Problems of Democracy in Pakistan Essay Example for Free

Problems of Democracy in Pakistan Essay After years of military dictatorships followed by sham democracy, the situation in Pakistan has reached such a point that the masses are yearning for radical change. Their suffering is immense as the people at the top continue to enrich themselves at the expensive of the workers and peasants, collaborating with imperialism as it rides rough-shod over the people of Pakistan. Everything is moving to an inevitable revolutionary explosion. Pakistan’s Supreme Court in its verdict of 16 December, 2009 declared the notorious NRO null and void ab initio. The National Reconciliation Ordinance of October 2007 was promulgated by the then President of Pakistan General Parvaiz Musharraf. It was the outcome of a deal he had struck with Benazir Bhutto, life Chairperson of the Pakistan People’s Party in a covert meeting in Abu Dhabi. The deal was brokered by the United States and Britain. The aim was to create a new setup that could facilitate the imperialist war and other interests in this turbulent region. According to this ordinance all cases of politicians including corruption, murder, extortion, kidnappings and other heinous crimes would be withdrawn. Some of the major beneficiaries are now in power including Benazir’s widower Zardari, now the President of Pakistan and some of his most sinister ministers. The other main beneficiary is the Muteheda Qaumi Movement, MQM, whose leader, an absconder resident in London for several years, and its other leading figures were facing charges of murder and other crimes. The MQM is a mafia-type organisation with neo-fascist tendencies and its main ideological baggage is based on ethnic conflict. The present democratic dispensation is the product of such a nefarious design. After Benazir’s assassination in December 2007 Musharraf’s fate was sealed. The plan B came into action and Zardari having a long standing relationship with US officials was catapulted into the presidency with his firm assurance that he would be more subservient to the Americans than Musharraf or Benazir could ever have been. The Electoral College for this election are comprised of members of the National and provincial assemblies who were elected in the February 2008 elections, the results of which were tailor-made in Washington to serve the imperialist strategies. Ironically this unanimity, or â€Å"reconciliation†, between all the parties in Parliament was prompted by a collective fear on the part of these representatives of the ruling class in the wake of the beginnings of a mass movement that they witnessed on the arrival of Benazir from exile in Karachi on October 18, 2007 and later after the explosion of the wrath of the workers, peasants and youth at the news of her assassination on December 27, 2007. After a long period of suffering, the oppressed in Pakistan had risen up in the hope that the leader of their traditional party, the PPP under Benazir Bhutto, would be a beacon of change and free them from the unrelenting misery and distress. The Americans had already done their homework with the PPP leaders, who mainly come from the moneyed classes, to divert this outburst into a democratic election and facade of â€Å"democracy†. These leaders drowned the mass anger and revolt in sorrow and despair. They refused to call for a general strike for the elections to be held on the scheduled date of January 8, 2008 and blocked the movement. This gave an opportunity to the Pakistani state and its imperialist masters to regroup their forces and stave off the threat of a revolutionary upheaval. The Military in Pakistan has ruled directly for more than half of the country’s 62 years of chequered history. All the military regimes were supported and propped up by US imperialism. During the â€Å"democratic† intermissions the plight of the masses continued to deteriorate. After the first decade (1947-58) of democratic regimes, such was the crisis that when Martial Law was imposed by Field Martial Ayub Khan there was even a sense of relief amongst several sections of society. Ayub Khan had the impertinence to say in one of his initial statements â€Å"we must understand that democracy cannot work in a hot climate. To have democracy we must have a cold climate like Britain. † General Ayub told the first meeting of his cabinet, â€Å"As far as you are concerned there is only one embassy that matters in this country: the American Embassy. † The Ayub dictatorship embarked upon an ambitious economic, agrarian and industrial programme in the 1960s, mainly sponsored by â€Å"US Aid† and the World Bank. Although Pakistan achieved its highest growth rates under Ayub, Keynesian economic policies failed to improve the lot of the masses. The aggravated social contradictions exploded into the revolution of 1968-69 that was fundamentally of a socialist character. See Pakistan’s Other Story-The 1968-69 Revolution]. The failure of the existing left leadership to give a clear revolutionary programme and perspective to the movement resulted in the rise of the Populism of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Due to the absence of a Bolshevik-Leninist revolutionary party the revolution was lost. But it did shake the whole of South Asia. The ruling classes initially tried to impose Martial Law again. However, its failure to curb the tide resulted in the first elections based on the adult franchise in 1970 where the PPP became the largest party in West Pakistan. Having failed to curtail the revolutionary wave that pierced through the ballot, ultimately the ruling classes resorted to a war with India, which led to the break-up of Pakistan and then Bhutto was given power who, forced by the pressure of the masses, initiated radical reforms from above, but only to exhaust the revolution brewing below. Bhutto’s elected left reformist government was subsequently overthrown by a military coup led by General Zia ul Haq in July 1977, who later hanged Bhutto at the behest of US imperialism. The eleven-year brutal dictatorship of Zia was perhaps the most traumatic period for the working masses in Pakistan. In connivance with the Americans, Zia propped up and unleashed the beast of Islamic fundamentalism to crush the left. The continuance of that grotesque monstrosity is what produced the present day fundamentalist terror that is ripping apart the social fabric of Pakistan and Afghanistan. The Zia Dictatorship began to crumble after another upheaval on the return from exile of Bhutto’s daughter Benazir in April 1986. The contradictions in the already weakened dictatorship were thus sharpened. General Zia’s plane was conveniently blown up in mid air in August 1988 – some have speculated that this may have been done at the request of the Americans, whom the megalomaniac and insane general had begun to â€Å"disobey† seeking his own personal agenda. From 1988 to 1999 there was another democratic interlude, where Benazir and Nawaz Sharif alternated in short stints of rulerships. This period was marred by an orgy of corruption, incompetence, spiralling economic decline and chaos. General Musharraf took power in a bloodless coup by overthrowing Sharif. Musharraf then introduced a â€Å"quasi-democracy† in 2002 but the 9/11 episode in the USA once again made another dictator another main American collaborator. This time the facade was not against communists but we had the so-called â€Å"war against terror†. Musharraf’s demise and the regime that ensued once again brought unprecedented agony and pain for the people of Pakistan. History has turned full circle. This vicious cycle of Pakistan’s political superstructure – dictatorship to democracy and back to dictatorship has brought no respite to society. Only the suffering has intensified. In reality this is a reflection of the ongoing social and economic crisis built into the foundations of this tragic country. The Pakistani ruling class after its independence from direct British rule came onto the scene of history too late and with this came an inability to develop the economy. It was a weak class even at its inception. It could not produce enough surpluses for its profits and capital needed to tap the resources of the country and carry out its historical role of the national revolution that its pioneers had envisaged. It adjusted itself accordingly, and its survival depended on the one hand by being subservient to imperialism and on the other allying itself and compromising with the landed aristocracy created under the Raj. The founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, as early as November 1947, less than three months after the formation of Pakistan, had sent his emissary to Washington asking for a $2bn loan. The response he got was a mere $10million of loose change. The failure of Pakistan’s ruling elite is evident 62 years later. None of the national democratic tasks have been completed. Several agrarian reforms have failed to abolish feudalism. Pakistan came into existence not as a nation but as a state comprising different nationalities. National oppression continues and the national question has become a festering wound on the body politic of this country. The task of the formation of a modern nation state is far from being achieved and will in fact further deteriorate with the impending crisis. This state of incompleteness of the tasks has wrought havoc on the social and economic life of Pakistani society. The social and political infrastructure is in a state of collapse. â€Å"National sovereignty† is a farce and hardly anybody believes in the state’s independence. Imperialist intervention and domination is on a greater scale today than it was in 1947, the year of Pakistan’s creation. Except for a few years under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, all the finance ministers have been employees of the World Bank or other imperialist financial institutions. Now the US is even trying to control sections of Pakistan’s armed forces and intruding its military corporate contractors to take over â€Å"security† in several vital parts of the country. These include former Blackwater now XE securities, DynCorp and others. An embittered general described the strategic relationship as Americans using Pakistan as a â€Å"condom†. The conflicts within the army are also the result of this aggressive hegemony being thrust into the Military’s domain. This is already giving rise to bloody conflicts among different agencies and sections of the armed forces representing black money and other sections of finance capital. This conflict is being waged covertly at the present time. But if a desperate imperialism faces an impending defeat in Afghanistan and tries a partial US occupation of NWFP (Pushtoonkhwa), it could even trigger a severe crisis in the army already under strain from carrying out the CENTCOM instructions on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. The fallout could have catastrophic consequences. Similarly the severe crisis of Pakistani capitalism has failed to develop a parliamentary democracy. The Pakistani ruling class, in the wake of its economic failures turned to plunder of the state at an early stage. They pay less than 10% of total taxation revenues. The real burden falls on the working class who are forced to pay more than 80% of the revenues through indirect taxation. The capitalist class steals electricity and gas, while billions of dollars of bank loans have been written off. According to the figures presented before the Supreme Court of Pakistan, a small section of these leeches’ annual corruption exceeds Rs. 500 billion (US$6. 2bn). Most of this money is stashed away in western banking havens. As this process started to become more and more evident, the army, the most powerful instrument of the state, started to become part of this evil nexus of plunderers and usurpers. The drug-funded and US/Saudi sponsored Afghan Jihad brought even greater loot to the coffers of the generals. Other institutions of the state and society including the judiciary, the bureaucracy and the media joined in this orgy of corruption. Hence, whenever there was a political crisis (conflict of the civilian plunderers) the military moved in to quell the rot. The dictatorships bred more corruption and as they began to lose their grip democracy was introduced the main reason being the growing danger of a mass revolt that is provoked by these repressive regimes. Although even a bourgeois democracy is a progressive step forward as compared to military dictatorships, the exploitative system that the military rulers intervene to salvage remains intact. In Pakistan this crisis-ridden system again creates a political instability that reflects the burning economic turmoil. The army and state are not a class, but in the last analysis the economic and social conditions determine the nature of the regime that is needed by the ruling class to preserve the system of exploitation of labour. Comrade Ted Grant elaborated on this in 1949 â€Å"The state by its very nature is composed of a bureaucracy, officers, generals, heads of police etc. But those do not constitute a class; they are the instrument of a class even if they may be in antagonism to that class. They cannot themselves be a class. † (The unbroken thread, pp. 235). In Pakistan the irony is that time and again the masses have risen up against the dictatorship, fundamentally to overthrow the yoke of exploitation and misery inflicted upon them by this vicious system of class rule. When they were allowed even to make half a choice through the ballot-box they propelled the PPP to power. Yet their hopes have been dashed time and again by the PPP in government in the short span of less than 40 years. The toiling masses have been loyal to their tradition for generations. The ruling class only allowed the PPP into the corridors of power to dissipate the mass upsurge. Above all the ruling class, the state and the imperialists have used the capitulating leaders of the PPP to carry through cuts, privatisations and other drastic anti-working class measures. They could not have achieved so much with the right-wing governments of Sharif, etc. , but even under the dictatorships they combined caution with repression. However, at least in the 1970s the PPP government did carry through some reforms for the betterment of the impoverished masses. In the later PPP governments since 1988 such was the crisis of Pakistani capitalism that there was no room for even minimal reforms.

Hurricane :: essays research papers

â€Å"Safety in Hurricanes† Hurricanes are one of the most damaging forces of nature. These tropical storms, with possible winds speeds of over eighty miles per hour, have the potential to destroy millions†¦including you. Which is why I write to you, the population of Southern Florida, in hopes of informing you about the dangers of hurricanes. Many precautions have been taken in the past. Though, some safety measures are unreliable. Having the attitude of â€Å" Oh†¦what are the chances of a hurricane hitting me?† or â€Å" What are the odds of that happening to me?† will not surpass as a justification for not taking the proper precautions. The fact is hurricanes give very little warning time and it is absolutely necessary that you clean your house and yard, make plans for evacuation of family members, and get flood insurance.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   One of the most important safety steps is cleaning around your house, because materials in your yard can serve as missiles. The possible three hundred to four hundred mile span of the average hurricane can transform objects such as dead tree limbs, playground equipment, and any other â€Å"loose† materials in your yard into deadly projectiles targeted at your house. That is why it is important to cut dead limbs as well as trim back any weak limbs. Along with objects in your yard, your have can become hazardous during a hurricane. To insure the inhabitant’s safety, boarding windows to avoid â€Å"shooting† glass is very essential. I would suggest permanent shutters, though this can become very expensive. Another alternative is using sheets of one-half inch plywood.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Secondly, you should make evacuation plans for your family members. Planning an evacuation route is simple. You can call local emergency management offices and determine the quickest, safest route to a shelter. Though, make sure you create an evacuation plan for you pets. Pets may not be allowed into emergency shelters for health and space reasons. You can call your local humane society regarding local animal shelters. Overall, you should be ready to drive twenty to fifty miles away to a shelter so make sure you are supplied with ample gasoline.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Hurricanes bring floods inland. Every person living in southern Florida should look into flood insurance. Like I said earlier, you should not have the attitude of â€Å" It will never happen to me†Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ because it can, it is called Murphy’s Law and it states that what ever you think is least likely to happen will happen.

Good cancer pain management can help patients feel better Essay

Most cancer patients suffer from pain in varying degrees during their illness. The management of this pain and its relationship in improving the wellbeing of the patient is the primary focus of this study. This paper approached the study by researching articles that dealt with pain management from different angles. After critical analysis of these articles this paper will arrive at a conclusion that addresses the research question.   The topics reviewed included: 1. The use of a clinical instruction module (CLIM) for hospice nurses to upgrade their skills (Plymale, M. et al, 2001) 2. The role of cognition in promoting the psychological well being of the patient (Chen, Mei-Ling. 2002) 3. The use of pain management autobiographies to discover how best to deal with pain management (Schumacher, K. et al. 2001) 4. Overcoming patient related barriers to pain management by educating them (Chang, Ming-Chuan. 2002) 5. Providing a description of advanced cancer pain in home hospice subjects to enable the caregivers to alleviate their suffering (Dobratz, M. 2001) The material for this study was searched from the University of Wollongong database of Medline. The key words in the search for journal articles were nursing, research and cancer pain.   Articles were chosen for their relevance to the research question and the findings they came up with. Information that was obtained from these studies enabled the writer to draw important conclusions as concerns pain management in cancer patients with pain. The research is of extreme importance to the writer. I lost my husband to cancer. The trauma we all went through watching him in pain gave me a new impetus to do all in my power to ensure that no other patient will need to go through the same suffering as he did. As I continue to practice, I would like to contribute to breaking new ground in pain management in cancer patients; especially as concerns alleviating their pain and improving their quality of life. Article 1 In an article entitled ‘Cancer Pain Education: A Structured Clinical Instruction Module For Hospice Nurses’, appearing in the journal ‘Cancer Nursing ‘,Plymale M. et al (2001) studied the effect of pain education on the quality of service by caregivers. The research aimed to determine whether educating nurses on pain management will improve their ability to assess and manage pain in cancer patients. A clinical instruction module (CLIM) based on cancer pain management and assessment skills was administered to 25 hospice nurses whose average field practice was 4.1 years (Plymale M. et al. 2001, p. 424).The course involved the nurses going round 8 stations focussing on   different aspects of cancer pain, assessing 5 cancer survivors and one actor. They carried out tests on various aspects of pain management. Prior to and after the exercise the nurses self assessed their skills in pain management using a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1(not competent) to 5(v ery competent). They also evaluated the CLIM on a similar scale. (1= strongly disagree; 5= strongly agree) All participants agreed that the course helped improve their competence in the teaching items that were being addressed. The use of patients with cancer was considered more beneficial as opposed to having actors. Nurses that felt competent enough before the course did not perceive any noticeable improvement in their abilities in the post exercise self assessment. This finding is consistent with the view that hospice nurses are more competent in dealing with cancer pain management than those nurses working in hospitals. Those who assessed themselves as not competent indicated a higher assessment of themselves after the course. In a further study conducted among post instruction medical students, those trained using a CLIM on pain management did better than those schooled it traditional methods. (Sloan P.A. et al., 2001, 112)     Ã‚  There is an urgent need to introduce CLIM’s addressing pain assessment and management in the teaching courses for all nurses and caregivers in a bid to improve their skills and service delivery. The more competent the nurses the better will be the treatment of patients in prolonging their lives and alleviating the pain they go through. A significant observation of this study is the competence level of hospice nurses was higher than that of their counterparts. It is advisable to seek their input in developing manuals and modules of this nature as they have first hand knowledge that is invaluable to this area of study. Article 2 ‘Pain And Hope in Patients with Cancer’, an article written by Chen, Mei-Ling and appearing in the journal ‘Cancer Nursing’ (2003) examines the relationship between pain and hope in cancer patients. Hope is a therapeutic factor in the treatment of any disease including cancer. Patients with high levels of hope coped better with the disease than did those who dwelt on the hopelessness of their situation. The hopeful patients on average tended to live longer and had extended periods of remission. This study had three main purposes; i. Examine the effect of disease status on hope levels among patients with cancer who have pain ii. Compare the level of hope between patients with cancer that have pain and those who do not iii. Determine which dimensions of pain are associated with hope (Chen, Mei-Ling. 2002, p.62) The conceptual framework for the study was based on the ‘self- regulation model of coping with health threats’. (Chen, Mei-Ling. 2002, p.62) The main emphasis is on how people cope with their health problems in their own unique ways. Personal beliefs, religious orientation, cultural practises and previous experiences all work to determine a patient’s attitude towards his illness.(Donavan, H.S., Ward, S., 2001, pp. 211 – 216) Any one of the factors mentioned will have a bearing on the hope levels of the individual. The study employed the use of the Herth Hope Index (HHI) to assess the level of hope. It sampled 274 inpatients with cancer at two medical centres in Taiwan. 226 of them finalised the survey and the analysis was based on their responses. The study used Perceived Meaning of Cancer Pain Inventory (PMCPI) to measure the meanings that patients ascribed to their pain. Four subscales were used and these were challenge, threat, spiritual awareness and loss. The findings showed that in cancer patients with pain and those without pain, the hope levels did not differ. However, sensory dimensions of pain showed a link between the bearable pain intensity and level of hope (Chen, Mei-Ling. 2002, p. 65) The findings supported the view that the hope levels in patients were higher in those who were able to tolerate more pain. Perception of one’s pain played an important role in the way one held on to hope. Those who viewed the pain as a challenge were more hopeful than those who took it from a negative perspective. In assessing one’s reaction to treatment, it is notable that the findings showed no difference in hope levels for those patients who were unsure of the effect of treatment and those who affirmed that the treatment was working positively.

A Consideration of the Way Shakespeare Presents and...

A Consideration of the Way Shakespeare Presents and Develops the Theme of Blindness in King Lear Introduction ============ Throughout ‘King Lear’, Shakespeare uses the play’s characters to make judgements on society using blindness as a metaphor that runs through the play. He does this in a number of ways portraying characters that can be fooled by others’ flattery, or are easily manipulated or deceived, or simply have a lack of wisdom. As well as the horrific physical blinding of Gloucester, blindness is used as a metaphor for characters’ lack of insight, moral blindness, and a lack of perception into other’s needs and interests. Shakespeare illustrates the importance of seeing yourself†¦show more content†¦Unlike Albany, Cornwall has great insight into other characters and uses this to his advantage by manipulating and deceiving others. Cornwall however is morally blind, and unable to see the wrong of his actions. The outcome of Cornwall’s blindness is his death, his own servant turns on him, just as he turned on his host and his king. Shakesp eare illustrates poetic justice, in the downfall of Cornwall. To counterbalance Cornwall’s corruption, Albany grows in moral strength and gains awareness of justice and virtue. Like Albany, Edgar’s character develops throughout the play, he must suffer as Tom O Bedlam to truly understand Edmond’s trickery and more importantly himself. He reverts into a state of oblivion, and denies himself personality, money, food, and his position in society. From this state of nothingness, he builds his character, and so is no longer blind to himself, therefore can more easily start to understand the intentions of those around him. Edgar builds his character to the extent that by the end of the play, Shakespeare illustrates to the audience that he has the most insight and rewards him with the title of King. Lear is blind and irresponsible as father and ruler, he is preoccupied with appearances, he wishes to retain the trappings of majesty without the ‘cares and